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Key issues: abstracting from personal narratives

The example personal narratives above, and the discussions of them, illustrate how the identity perspective provides a way of understanding how the graduates come to be where they now are in their careers and lives. The events, decisions and actions, and their sequence, are as they are (albeit that each individual's description is presented from their personal perspective). However, these could have been different, if different decisions and action had been taken. If LB had decided to stay with her job with the retail company for a longer period, she may have gone on to a different job, perhaps with a large company. The distinctive contribution she made in her current organisation may have been more difficult to achieve in a larger company. If SA had not taken the course for unemployed graduates, he may not have gained the opportunity to work with the black community organisation, may not have developed a commitment towards community economic development, and so not joined his current employer. If he had responded to circumstances differently, there would have been a different set of events requiring some form of response.

It is important, then, to recognise the contingency of people's lives and careers. The narrative form of presentation, above, tends to obscure this fact as it presents the current situation in terms of its outcome from a process over time. It is not possible to examine alternative trajectories from any point in that process. So, a separate and complementary approach to the analysis of the interview material is that of comparison of the events and actions in the different trajectories. By taking key stages that are common to the trajectories, we can examine what happened and what the graduates did. This may help to provide further insights into the issues involved in graduates' experience with regard to employment, especially, for this project, employment in smaller companies. The key common stages are:

Within the resources and time frame of the project, only a limited amount of this comparative analysis has been undertaken so far. The research team plan to continue with this work, and obtain further material for such analysis, as the broader research programme develops.

From graduation to initial job

The interviews sought information from the respondents on what they aspired to do on graduating and what happened in terms of employment immediately after graduating. There was variation, amongst our respondents, on the extent they had clear aspirations about the type of work they aspired to, as they came to the end of their degree courses. Some were very unsure, or had vague ideas about how they would utilise their degree subject:

"When I left I think I was a bit muddled in what I wanted to do." (SA)
"I didn't feel I really knew what I wanted to do, and didn't want to get sucked into doing something" (LA)
"...when I graduated it was the recession and it was difficult to find jobs, and I wasn't too sure what I wanted." (MC)
"Initially, I thought I'd want a language job that would use French and Spanish ..." (SD)
Some were clear about what they wanted, but found their aspirations were blocked. In the case of LD, his degree classification was an obstacle to realising his aim:

"My aspirations when I finished university were to train as a clinical psychologist initially. I graduated with a 2.2 and so didn't get to the interview stage for clinical psychology." (LD)

The path from formal graduation to first job also varied. Some went straight into what would be seen as a 'graduate job', one which would be reported in the First Destination Survey as 'permanent' jobs, ie not a temporary job pending an appropriate job for a graduate. In the case of those who remained unemployed, there were variations in responses. Some continued applying for 'graduate jobs', some took on non-graduate jobs, some undertook further study.

In the case of three individuals who entered 'graduate jobs' on completion of their courses, a number of different factors seemed to have affected the decision. Degree subject was relevant in two cases. SD was seeking a job to use her degree subject of modern languages, and took a job as a bilingual administrator. GA had taken a degree in travel and tourism and had previously worked for a summer with a tour operator. She obtained a post as a sales executive for a hotel with considerable and developing tourist business. For LB, her degree subject was not relevant, she was recruited onto a general graduate training scheme in a retail company. However, she did aspire to work in personnel, following careers guidance; also, her father worked in personnel management. She hoped to move into personnel after gaining general business experience through the graduate training scheme. These three cases exhibit an apparently rational process, linking certain personal characteristics with the job taken. However, as we discuss below, in all three cases the graduates moved from these jobs very quickly.

The situation of not gaining a 'graduate job' is of particular interest for this project, as this would seem to be a clear disaffirmation of a graduate identity. However, in the case of LA she deliberately chose not to seek a 'graduate job', and decided to travel with a friend, undertaking temporary secretarial jobs. MC continued to try to obtain a suitable job for a graduate, eventually settling for a secretarial job which was not advertised specifically for a graduate. K. also continued to search, finding the difficulty 'a shock' which made him 'work harder' and persist with his search. SA persisted but without success; travel to stay with relatives in Pakistan led to an intense desire to 'make something' of himself, and so he undertook further training on his return. LD decided to study for an MSc, to build his 'academic portfolio', after his degree classification proved a barrier for entry to his desired field of clinical psychology.

These different responses to the experience of not gaining a job on graduating raise issues about how undergraduates in the final year, and graduates during the initial post-completion period, should be advised and helped. Clearly, a range of options are available, each of which will lead onto various trajectories. Our respondents may reasonably be seen as having achieved success, and no-one can tell what might have happened if other choices and decisions had been made. This is an area for more research.

Experience in first job, and moving on

As stated above, three respondents who went straight into jobs as graduates soon left those posts. As indicated in the narrative above, LB found the long hours and types of work dissatisfying, and did not seem to be moving her nearer her aim of becoming a personnel management professional. She left this large company to join a small training company; the size of the company was not significant in the decision. GA disliked the hotel where she was working. SD found her job with a management consultancy firm (a subsidiary of a major manufacturing company) was not demanding; she realised she really wanted to work in accountancy. These cases suggest that many undergraduates and new graduates are making decisions which lead to a situation in which they review those decisions and their aspirations. However, it is not possible to say what would have happened otherwise. It may therefore be the case that the initial period of employment provides an essential opportunity for reflection on self, career and life aspirations. Graduate recruiters may need to take this into account in the way that they handle graduates in the initial period.

Experience in current job

In all cases, the graduates in the smaller companies claimed success in their current jobs.

"... people take me seriously now because things are actually happening and bringing benefits to the hotel. Things have been a success." (GA)
"I mean I've proven myself."
(MC)"I know [the business manager] respects my opinion because he bounces ideas off me as well and he talks to me about things that are going on in the company." (LB)
Often they would talk about moving on; some were now actively seeking new jobs, others spoke of planning to do so within a short period. No particular desire to stay with a smaller company was expressed.

In terms of what the graduates had experienced, or would expect, as different about working for a smaller company, a number of aspects were expressed. These were very much in line with what would be expected: being given responsibility, having autonomy, being able to make a contribution.

"Working in a small organisation ... you're able to work on projects and get much more autonomy and responsibility at a quicker level, I think, than in a larger company." (MC)

"What I've found in a large company is that no matter how knowledgeable you are, no matter what qualifications you have, if you have a certain position they expect you to keep to that position ... if you tried to make some contribution to another department, it's very unlikely they'd let you because they already have people who cover that department." (MD)

"I think ... the position gives me a lot of responsibility and I'm basically ... the only person that does the accounts, and so I'm responsible..." (SD)

"I feel I've got a free hand. I think maybe I sometimes get on and do things that I should perhaps check with the manager first, but he tends to, you know, let that go because he's, I think, because he's fairly confident in my ability to judge a situation or whatever." (LB)

"...this is the kind of company where if they feel like you can do more, then you're given the opportunity rapidly." (LA)
In many cases, the respondents would give a general description of their jobs, talking about the diverse nature of what they do, rather than give a job title and specific description. Often, the job would be different from what they started doing.

Such characteristics would seem to relate to the qualities in graduates, deemed to be valued by employers generally (eg AGE, 1995) and including smaller enterprises (Yorke, 1997), ie 'self-reliance', 'proactivity', 'adaptability' etc. However, we should note that such terms as 'autonomy' and 'responsibility' as characteristics of a job situation and 'self-reliance', etc are relative and relational terms. They do not have objective meaning, and cannot be objectively measured. Rather, their meaning is socially negotiated in situ, and in relation to each other. That is, the extent to which an individual will be pro-active is likely to be affected by the degree to which they perceive the situation to be one where autonomy is offered and valued; and the degree to which autonomy is offered will be affected by the extent to which the employee is perceived to be capable, reliable, etc.

This is illustrated not just by the respondents accounts of their own experiences, but also by the way they referred to other graduates who did not engage in the pro-active, self-reliant form of activity deemed important.

"The manager would give her something to do and she'd come to me and say 'do you know how I can do this?' or 'do you understand what she means by this?" (LA, talking about a graduate who was subsequently dismissed, and whom she replaced)

"One of the other girls, the one who hasn't had another job, who's just graduated, I think she's a bit in awe of the manager really ... I get the feeling she's sinking in the job, rather than floating." (LB)

This suggests that survey-based studies of what attributes employers state they are seeking in graduates need to be complemented by qualitative, situational studies of how such purported attributes are construed in practice. The most illuminating studies would be those where both parties, employer and employee, are enabled to express their understandings of the situations they encounter.

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